Media Editor, Barotseland Post

Media Editor, Barotseland Post

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Alltime10s , a very popular YouTube channel based in London, England, with over a billion total video views and well known globally for their top ten lists, last month September released a video titled “10 Countries You Didn't Know Existed.”

What is interesting with this video is that Barotseland is named at number eight (08).

As of November 2016, the channel has close to five million subscribers at 4,768,100 with close to one and half a billion total views at 1,450,181,540 and still growing.

In two months only, the video 10 Countries You Didn't Know Existed has received 1,625,919 views.

On Barotseland, the narrator winds up by saying that with international recognition, Barotseland would become the youngest nation state in the world today.

Alltime10s does exactly what its name suggests: Top 10 videos. They cover a range of content, such as media, science, technology, industry, history, food, conspiracy theories, or other uncategorized trivia.


  • Alltime10s Hit 1 Million Subscribers On June 16, 2013.
  • Alltime10s Hit 2 Million Subscribers On January 15, 2014.
  • Alltime10s Hit 3 Million Subscribers On January 26, 2015.


Barotseland national, 56 year old Muleta Nawa Kalaluka, appeared before Zambia's Magistrate Milumbe on November 15th, 2016 in Kaoma for continued questioning by Zambia’s District Criminal Investigations Officer for Kalabo, on what he has insisted is a trumped-up charge against him of attempting to procure military hardware from Angola.

Muleta Kalaluka is a former Zambian Drug Enforcement Commission (DEC) public prosecutor who was also among the 80 Barotse nationals that were in court for fabricated charges of treason in 2013, but were later released on a nolle prosequi  for a lack of evidence against all 80 accused.

In 2013, Muleta challenged the Zambian court to proceed to trial so that he could have the chance to subpoena Zambia’s first president, Kenneth Kaunda, for him to answer questions on why Zambia had continued to administer Barotseland in the absence of the Barotseland Agreement of 1964 which Kaunda unilaterally abrogated. According to the Barotse, the 1964 pre-independence agreement was the only legal ground by which Zambia could administer Barotseland, without which Zambia was occupying Barotseland illegally.

The 2013 treason charges largely collapsed because of Kalaluka’s arguments and insistence in proceeding to trial so he could expose Zambia’s illegality in Barotseland, arguments that the state considered a threat to some undisclosed Zambia government policy over the matter of Barotseland.

Further, on his release in 2013, Muleta Kalaluka had openly told the international news media Aljazeera that their release was a victory for the people of Barotseland and not for Zambia because the treason charge was all political, and that they were all now going back to their country Barotseland.

He was then dismissed from his public service job.

He is currently on bail while his co-accused, Rocky Lubinda Nyambe, remains incarcerated after his bail was revoked earlier in the year for non attendance of scheduled court hearings.

The bizarre circumstances of this particular case are yet to be established, although charges against Barotseland nationals are routinely changed throughout trial and on passing judgment to the extent that victims, in the process, never really get to know the crime against which they are defending themselves. This has often made many wonder whether the cases themselves are state organized acts of continued terror - killings, prosecution, intimidation and harassment against the people of Barotseland, employed by the Zambian government to try and dissuade the Barotse from agitating for Barotseland self-rule.


This report was first published on December 1st 2013 on the Good Governance Africa web site written by Victoria Kelly, as editor of The Bulletin & Record, Zambia’s largest-circulation monthly magazine. Before moving to Zambia in 2006, Victoria was a financial journalist in London, writing for both online and print publications including Citywire and the Daily Telegraph.

Extracts of the same report appeared on the Wall Street Journal web site, The Washington Post and several other international media outlets worldwide. It is here reproduced directly from the International Arbitration Attorney Network web site owned by a leading Legal network of Independent International Arbitration Law Firms and Practitioners.

We have reproduced it for archiving purposes and as a throw-back for those that may have missed it or may have forgotten, without editing anything. The title was simply “All Shook up.” We have, however, captured the section it was first entered on the Good Governance Africa web site to form part of the title and added – the Case of Barotseland to it. The archived PDF version, as reproduced by the International Arbitration Attorney Network can be found here:


In August, in a small, badly-lit room in a house in Mongu, the impoverished capital of Zambia’s Western Province, AFUMBA MOMBOTWA, a middle-aged man with a receding hairline was filmed taking oath as administrator general of a “new state”, Barotseland.

Wearing a dark suit and tie, and standing erect in front of a grey curtain, his right hand raised in the air, Mr Mombotwa, 58, swore to protect, defend and uphold the constitution of Barotseland, which he said had been a “stateless nation” under Zambia’s control for the past 50 years. In the background, birds and farm animals and the occasional sound of a car could be heard.

The public declaration of independence was the latest in a series of increasingly bold moves by a group called Linyungandambo, which has been in the public eye in Zambia since the run-up to the Mongu riots of January 2011. The group was a key instigator in the unrest that led to those demonstrations three years ago, when protestors calling for secession from Zambia clashed violently with police. Two people were reported to have died during the riots and more than 100 were arrested.

Mr Mombotwa’s August declaration - which was uploaded to YouTube and the group’s other main web outlets, including BAROTSEPOST.COM and a Facebook page of that name - prompted a wave of arrests on treason charges. These arrests have heightened tension in a region that has been beset by political unrest and calls for secession since shortly after Zambia’s independence in 1964.

Western Province, the south-western portion of Zambia that borders Angola and Namibia’s Caprivi Strip, was created in 1969, five years after Zambia’s independence. Until then, the region was known as the Kingdom of Barotseland, an area that stretched far beyond the modern province’s borders. It was inhabited by the Lozi, a complex language group made up of over 20 different tribes. Today’s Western Province covers an area of 126,386 square kilometres, but Barotseland is estimated to have been twice as large at certain points in its history. Some claim the kingdom stretched into Namibia and Angola and included other parts of Zambia, including its central Copperbelt province, south-west of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s Katanga province. These historical borders were never fixed, however, and are difficult to confirm.

Under British colonial administration, Barotseland had enjoyed relative autonomy since the late 1800s. The Litunga, the Lozi word for the king of Barotseland, had negotiated agreements first with the British South African Company (BSAC) and then with the British government that ensured the kingdom maintained much of its traditional authority. Barotseland was essentially a nation-state, a protectorate within the larger protectorate of Northern Rhodesia. In return for this protectorate status, the Litunga gave the BSAC mineral exploration rights over Barotseland.

In the early 1960s, rather than seek independence from Northern Rhodesia in its own right, Barotseland chose to be part of an independent Zambia, as long as the Litunga and the Barotse National Council (BNC), the highest decision and policy-making body in the Barotse governance system, retained some authority. This included power over some of the region’s potentially lucrative natural resources, such as land, its forests and fishing, and over customary laws and practice.

The Barotseland Agreement of 1964 enshrined these rights, although there is no mention in the agreement that this power extended to minerals. It is this document - or rather its subsequent annulment - which has caused unrest to rumble on in the region for nearly half a century. Within a year of taking office as president of the newly-independent Zambia on October 24th 1964, President Kenneth Kaunda began to introduce various acts that abrogated most of the powers allotted to Barotseland under the agreement. Most notably, the Local Government Act of 1965 abolished the traditional institutions that had governed Barotseland and brought the kingdom under the administration of a uniform local government system. Then in 1969 Parliament passed the Constitutional Amendment Act, annulling the Barotseland Agreement of 1964. Later that year the government changed Barotseland’s name to Western Province and announced that all provinces would be treated equally.

The agreement’s dissolution and the stubbornness of successive governments in ignoring repeated calls to restore it have fuelled the region’s ongoing tension. This has become a particularly sensitive issue for the current Patriotic Front government led by President Michael Sata. It came to power in the September 2011 elections, winning the Western Province vote largely on the party’s promise to restore the agreement within 90 days, if victorious. Initially, all looked positive for those hoping for its restitution: Mr Sata pardoned the people arrested by the previous government in the aftermath of the Mongu riots and launched a commission of inquiry into those events.

Since then, however, the government’s enthusiasm appears to have waned. The Post newspaper in March 2012 reported that it had obtained a copy of the inquiry’s findings that recommended reinstatement of the 1964 agreement. However, the commission’s report has not officially been made public. Mr Sata has seemed unwilling to acquiesce, arguing that its restoration would open up a “Pandora’s box” because other chiefdoms would also demand autonomy.

It is perhaps the reluctance of the current government to restore Barotseland’s semi-autonomy that has prompted recent calls for secession from groups such as Linyungandambo to grow louder. Mr Mombotwa, a former civil servant who spent two years working in the agriculture ministry followed by 16 years in the foreign affairs ministry, established the group in 2010. Linyungandambo means “shake your neighbour” in Lozi.

The group’s emergence has heralded a more militant and uncompromising approach to the Barotse question not seen since the late 1990s when the former president, the late Frederick Chiluba, banned the Barotse Patriotic Front (BPF) for allegedly working with secessionists in Namibia’s Caprivi strip. Mr Chiluba feared that the BPF and Namibian secessionists would collaborate to liberate Barotseland and join the region into one country. Interestingly, Mr Mombotwa joined the BPF after leaving government in 1999 and remained a member until 2002, although it is not known why he left the group.

Linyungandambo, like other Barotse activist groups, has played on Western Province’s alleged economic marginalisation to gather support. Characterised by its sandy, hostile terrain, the province has few roads, schools or hospitals, and some 80% of its 880,000 population live in poverty, according to Zambia’s central statistical office. The government argues that this is changing. EMMANUEL MWAMBA, who until recently was permanent secretary of Western Province, says some $1 billion is being channelled into the province to build new roads, a university and a football stadium. But it may be too little, too late.

Linyungandambo’s grassroots approach appears to have struck a chord with the province’s youth, who, frustrated by the province’s lack of opportunity, are hungry for change. However, it is difficult to determine exactly how much support the group has or where that support comes from because no official membership figures exist. Estimates range from around 120 - according to Mr Mwamba - to the somewhat optimistic 1.5m claimed by Linyungandambo sympathisers, who explain that these figures are higher than Western Province’s population because the kingdom comprises a much larger area.

In light of the government’s reluctance to restore the agreement, Linyungandambo is pushing for Barotseland to become a fully independent nation. NEO SIMUTANYI, executive director for the Zambia-based Centre for Policy Dialogue, says this increased focus on secession has altered politics in Western Province. “Linyungandambo has been instrumental in influencing other activist organisations in changing their demands from that of the restoration of the Barotseland Agreement to that of secession,” he says.

Indeed, since its birth three years ago, Linyungandambo has followed an increasingly radical trajectory. In September 2011, shortly before the general election, Mr Mombotwa made a unilateral declaration of independence, announcing himself as administrator general of the “new” Royal Barotseland Kingdom, although there is no legal basis to his claim under Zambian law. The move was announced via the website BAROTSEPOST.COM, one of the main mouthpieces for Linyungandambo, although it did not receive national coverage. There also appeared to be no public response to the action by either the Litunga or the national council.

Then, in March 2012, representatives from Linyungandambo and other Barotse activist groups, including the Barotse Freedom Movement (BFM) and the Movement for the Restoration of Barotseland, met with the BNC and resolved to nullify the 1964 agreement to enable Barotseland to revert to its pre-independence status. Mr Mombotwa sat on the BNC committee as Linyungandambo’s representative. The home affairs minister, KENNEDY SAKENI, condemned the resolution to break away from Zambia as bordering on treason. “It is illegal to call for secession. We cannot have a state within a state. The people of Zambia gave us a mandate to govern Zambia as a unitary state and it will remain so,” he was reported as saying in an interview in the Times of Zambia on March 29th.

The video depicting Mr Mombotwa taking his oath as leader of Barotseland’s government-in-waiting in August is the latest public act of dissent. Figures vary, but up to 84 people are reported to have been arrested on charges of treason as a result of this and the other secessionist acts. Mr Mombotwa himself has so far evaded capture and is believed to be in hiding in Western Province. At the time of going to press, the detainees were still awaiting trial. The Litunga has not voiced his position on either the BNC’s vote in March 2012 or Linyungandambo’s recent declaration of independence, but it is understood that he is in favour of restoring the agreement rather than secession, according to Mr Mwamba.

The swearing-in ceremony was a step too far for the other activist groups. The newly-formed Barotse National Freedom Alliance (BNFA), an umbrella organisation that co-ordinates the various Barotse activist groups, publicly dissociated itself from Mr Mombotwa and Linyungandambo. Its chairman, CLEMENT WAINYAE SINYINDA, was arrested in September 2013 on treason charges for his role in the March 2012 secession vote by the BNC. He issued a statement on August 22nd denouncing Mr Mombotwa for going against the BNC’s resolution to return Barotseland to pre-independence status through “a people-driven legal and political process that is anchored in Barotseland’s inalienable rights to statehood”.

The number of recent arrests for treason in relation to secession calls - not just from Linyungandambo, but also other groups such as the BFM (although it is sometimes difficult to determine to which groups those arrested belong) - has led critics to condemn the police and government’s heavy handling of the separatist groups. In February 2013, a group of the country’s most powerful Catholic bishops wrote a letter to Mr Sata raising concerns about various human rights issues in Western Province.

In the letter, the bishops observed that there was “a climate of intimidation and serious human rights violations currently prevailing in the Western Province: abductions of citizens; arbitrary arrests and individuals being subjected to long periods of interrogations, even torture”. The bishops said that these acts were “totally unacceptable” and implied that the province was in a “de facto state of emergency”, criticisms that are unlikely to have been taken lightly given Mr Sata’s strong Catholic faith. There has also been a government clampdown on online outlets that have given voice to the Barotse issue, with those websites linked to Linyungandambo now blocked to the public in Zambia.

The government admits the police have in some instances been overzealous in arresting Barotse activists. Mr Mwamba believes the large number of arrests have wrongly given the impression that the secessionist movement is much larger than it is. Instead, he downplays it as “a storm in a teacup”.
Referring to the most recent round of arrests, Mr Mwamba says: “I was there personally and if the police had acted with a lot of discretion they would not have arrested more than five people. You can’t round up everyone who received a pamphlet in the manner they are doing.”

Nevertheless he admits the group is alarming. “The trouble with Linyungandambo is in their literature they are threatening, which is maybe why the police have taken them seriously. They are collecting materials to form military that is dangerous in itself.”

Observers argue that groups such as Linyungandambo should be given recognition and political space to air their views rather than suppressed through state force. “My fear is that the restriction in the freedoms of the people to express themselves over the Barotseland issue and arrests of its leaders and supporters will not only drive them underground but will lead to a full-blown military insurrection,” warns Mr Simutanyi from the Centre for Policy Dialogue.

The government believes its new decentralisation policy, which cabinet approved in February 2013, will provide a viable substitute for the agreement’s restoration because it will give each of Zambia’s ten provinces more control over its resources.

However, this is unlikely to solve the problem, says MBINJI MUFALO, a governance and human rights consultant. “There is no devolution of political power in the current decentralisation policy,” he says. “It is simply decongestion of government/public services. Devolution of power is attempted in the [Zambian] constitution draft, but again it falls short of providing the provinces greater self-rule.” Zambia is currently working on a new constitution. A final draft is due to be submitted to the president soon.

For now government and those calling for independence in Western Province have reached an impasse. If the Barotse situation is to be contained, the government will need to manage it gently, something Mr Mwamba recognises. As he explains: “We have to handle the politics well otherwise we can grow a monster out of nothing.”


“Luzamaela kai” or "where are we?" is a too often asked question by those that wish to genuinely know the progression of the struggle for Barotseland self-rule as well as those that seek to scorn off the apparent lack of visible progress on the matter.

WENA WAHESU, a facebook activist decided to offer his answer to the question and we thought it was a very interesting answer he gave.

With emphasis added, Wena Wahesu writes:

My out right and personal answer is that we are where we are politically, socially and mentally as individuals and as a society. We are (still) voting in Zambian elections, we openly profess to be UPND (Zambia’s main opposition United Party for National Development) or PF (Zambia’s ruling Patriotic Front party)... we don’t protest when one among us is victimized for standing up for Barotseland.

We do not want to get close to those that are having the burden of the struggle. We have not invested anything in the struggle, not even a one ngwee (Zambia’s smallest money unit), as such that’s where we are.

The struggle will only move to another level when malozi begin to demonstrate the change and the fact that they are Barotseland citizens (and not Zambians) and invest in the struggle, then and only then will we get the recognition we need.

They (world) cannot just recognize Linyungandambo (leading Barotseland independence movement) or BNFA (alliance of some Barotse activist groups) or BRE (Barotse Royal Establishment) executive committees. No! They need to recognize Barotseland, its peoples and government.

So the question is where are the people of Barotseland? Definitely it’s not them who were lining for Zambian elections; these are Zambians. The Barotseland citizens stand out and be counted; and by so doing they will be acting as statehood recognition advocates. END.

What is your say? Let us hear from you! Join in the debate!

This book traces Barotseland’s existence in the Zambian nation from 1964 to date. The book challenges dominant discourses on Barotseland from various sources, including the Zambian Government. Indeed, such narratives have either been explicitly biased or have sought to distort Barotseland’s quest for independence from Zambia. In the same vein, it departs from previous works that have sought to legitimise what the people of Barotseland now refer to as the “illegal occupation of Barotseland by the Zambian Government”.

Ndangwa Noyoo is an author, activist and academic. He holds a Ph.D from the University of the Witwatersrand, an M.phil from the University of Cambridge and a BSW from the University of Zambia. He was also a post-doctoral Fellow at the Fondation Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, Paris, France from 2005 - 2006. He is an Associate Professor at the University of Johannesburg.

The book can be ordered directly from the publishers via this link:



Renowned professor, Dr. Ndangwa Noyoo, recently shocked many Zambians when he touched on the ‘forbidden’ subject of Barotseland’s rights to self-determination at a University of Cape Town workshop that focused on Zambia's just ended elections.

Many Zambians presented on various aspects of Zambia's elections, but were dumbfounded when Prof. Ndangwa, as part of his presentation, dared to touch on the subject that many Zambians would wish into oblivion. Consequently, as the professor came to the section on Barotseland, the Zambian contingent was visibly tense. Eventually, however, Dr. Ndangwa’s presentation generated a lot of discussions as the petrified Zambians seemed to have then mastered their emotions and went into raising issues of boundaries and the fallacy that Barotseland would never take those areas it once ruled.

Dr. Ndangwa boldly and effectively tackled them all as such familiar sentimentalisms were something that various Zambian governments had used to rally other parts of Zambia against Barotseland, especially those areas in the former North Western Rhodesia. Without mincing any of his words on the subject, Dr. Ndangwa clearly stated that Barotseland was no longer looking for the reinstatement of the defunct Barotseland Agreement of 1964 or some other form of decentralization.

The lion-hearted professor ended up his presentation on the matter by declaring that whether Zambians liked it or not, Barotseland statehood would sooner than later be actualized.

“Our fore bearers in the name of Sir Mwanawina III and some members of his Barotse Cabinet did not go to Britain (in 1964) to play, and neither did Kaunda in his capacity as Prime Minister of Northern Rhodesia, when they signed the now dead agreement,” stated Prof. Ndangwa, emphasizing that Barotseland wanted redress in order to get back that which was rightfully hers. "As such," he further stated, "the Barotse should not be made to exculpate themselves in this matter, but rather the Zambian Government."

He also corrected the notion that Barotseland wanted to take with her all parts of Zambia and other SADC countries which used to be under Barotse rule (Barotseland Empire) at some point in history. According to him, the self-determined Barotseland would build a new, modern, democratic and functioning African state, and not another failed African state.

Dr. Ndangwa Noyoo (Ph.D), who is an Associate Professor, Department of Social Work at the University of Johannesburg, made his presentation at the Workshop on Contemporary Zambian Politics, Centre for Social Science Research, which was held on the 29th - 30th September, 2016 at the University of Cape Town, an event that had many Zambians in attendance.

Dr Noyoo, has written more on the subject in his latest book; “Barotseland’s amalgamation with Zambia: A political conundrum.” – 2016, Pretoria, Kwarts.

The Barotseland Post, also known as The Barotsepost, is an online media platform, for now, that is dedicated to reporting stories and news around Barotseland and beyond, giving exclusive coverage and access to the people and the nation of Barotseland to fully express themselves in their aspirations for self- determination.