Following some media reports published recently concerning Barotseland and the now defunct BA’64 one can perceive clearly that some elites of “Unitary” ZRE (Zambian Republic Extortionists are in synchrony with some elites of BRE (Barotse Royal Establishment)). The reports; starting with the IG’s press remarks in March 2016, Zambian President’s statements both in Barotseland and Zambia late April 2016, and finally the Vice President’s remarks the same week but in Zambian parliament all indicated serious combination of acceptance, distortions and denial of the reality of Barotse Change. In my view, it is a revelation of serious schemes by Zambia aimed at but not limited to;
- Rebut of the 2012 BNC they validated by their full attendance; both BRE and ZRE; Is it possible?
- Coerce Barotseland citizens to remain as part of Zambia without any legal basis; how possible?
- Create the most crooked reason for blackmailing and condemning our gallant incarcerated BTG leaders forever; after being rightly sanctioned by the 2012 BNC Mandate; a Zambian haunting political and legal quagmire!
- Lengthen the Due Process started at the international legal fora for the final and amicable settlement of the lawsuit; by instituting illegal and baseless local remedies to the half- century old econopolitical impasse between Barotseland and Zambia.
- Create generative ground for Impeding progress at ICJ if possible or to refuse to accede to the jurisdictive pronouncements thereof finally.
However, there is one consolation; a matter of legal and epistemological clarity that for an IDEA like Barotse Change whose time has come there will be no amount of deceit or parading of some Lozi nationals in key Zambian positions will manage to pay to eclipse the reality of Barotse Change. Barotseland Independence is God’s way for us too as reflected in Act 17:26, “And hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of their habitation…" Of particular significance are the following observations:
1. Barotseland is already an INDEPENDENT NATION AND STATE determined and appointed in times before and her bounds (territory) of our habitation (Barotseland) by God (Nyambe), whether Zambia accepts this sooner or later. The persistent moves by Zambia therefore, to encroach our territoriality are both confrontational and contemptuous of us and God. So Zambia should not expect us to watch idly when our territoriality is incessantly violated and intruded by her. Our day of freedom has come. This is a conclusive fact.
2. Secondly, we have the legitimate BAROTSELAND GOVERNMENT (BTG) with full powers in exercise of its national and legal mandate to protect Barotseland and her people from the ever scavenging politicians praying upon the unsuspecting Barotzis. Like Zambia, BTG has every right and duty to do everything possible in its mandate by the 2012 BNC to entrench our full independence and statehood, defense inclusive like all other state functions and functionaries. This does not require the consensus or permission of UN, AU, SADC or any other than our BTG, according to Barotseland and international laws we subscribe to as a country. Like it has been said before, we do not have and DO NOT NEED a “Barotse Liberation Army” or a Rebel Army for we are already liberated whether Zambia disengages with us sooner or later. Of course we understand that having been in Zambianship environment for nearly 50 years our people are expected to show the vestiges of Zambianism for a while. But the enemies of Barotse Change should not take advantage of the situation. Britain never did that to Zambians after attainment of Zambia’s independence! This is an irrefutable fact.
3. INTERNATIONAL LAW RECOGNIZES THAT GOVERNMENT IN WAITING OR IN EXILE MAY UNDERTAKE MANY TYPES OF ACTIONS IN THE CONDUCT OF THEIR DAILY AFFAIRS. Zambia as UN member knows this undeniable legal and political fact and appended her signature to pledge commitment and compliance to these international tenets of law, justice and human rights entrenchment. Evidence here exists when President Edgar Lungu of Zambia welcomed on Wednesday 17th February 2016 a diplomat accredited to Zambia from Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic (Western Sahara) which is currently under Moroccan occupation -3(d) below. Consequently, this means that THE ACTIONS ARE NOT ILLEGAL ACTIVITIES to do but are allowed in international law and politics. These actions include:
a) Becoming a party to bilateral Agreement. (e.g. UNPO, FFSA & UNFS)
b) Amending or revising its constitution. (e.g. Transitional Constitution)
c) MAINTAINING MILITARY FORCES. (e.g. Barotse Native Police and Defence forces)
d) Newly obtaining diplomatic recognition by sovereign states etc. (Diplomats)
The concept of government in waiting does not mean that Barotse Government is new altogether rather an opportunity given to our once unitary statehood partner Zambian brothers and sisters to engage in the logical resolution of our Barotse Change amicably so we can remain delightful neighbours. Barotseland and her government are not new institutions in the Zambian and world history but are even much older than Zambia herself! Barotseland and Barotse Government are antiques that have been going through transitions and different phases changing names sometimes; for instance ‘Western Province’ and ‘BRE’ against our will, instead of Barotseland and Barotse Royal Authority -BRA.
4. NORTHERN RHODESIA THROUGH THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT COAXED BAROTSELAND to go for a Unitary Treaty dubbed as the BA’64 which treaty Zambia was quick to abrogate and repudiate soon after it was signed, thus despising and rendering futile her own creation and innovation! We were not obliged to honour what the initiator Northern Rhodesia could not honour. There is also an indisputable fact that Zambia has been a rogue and dysfunctional unitary state from the time she abrogated and repudiated the BA’64 unitary treaty. The reality of Barotse Change and materiality of evidence in favour of our nationhood and statehood, in all aspects, is overwhelming beyond doubt. Whether Zambia knows this or not and whether or not she wants it that will not change the facts. This is another incontrovertible fact.
5. When Kenneth Kaunda signed the BA ’64 he did it in bad faith as a quick way of getting what they wanted – the prestige of a larger unitary piece of land to govern and yet failed to do so! Today they say the problem with BA ’64 was the interpretation and not implementation. They implemented the interpretation of the document the way they self-styled it; ONE ZAMBIA ONE NATION. Unfortunately, this slogan could neither make Zambia a monolithic nor Federal state. To the contrary, with us the problem with the abrogated and defunct BA ’64 was the implementation and not the interpretation thereof. That is why we finally took the stance in form of the 2012 BNC RESOLUTIONS AND UDI MANDATE. Simply put, BA ‘64 could not be implemented! This is an unarguable fact also.
6. Then BAROTSE NATION ACCEPTED AND FINALLY NAILED THE LAST NAIL TO THE ABROGATED AND REPUDIATED BA’64 BY ZAMBIA this way rendering it a defunct and no longer binding agreement on both parties. This is an indisputable fact, so that what we could not do in freedom of dependence on each other should be done best in freedom of our independences from each other – just remain neighbouring states. Otherwise, it was just a blessing in disguise for history has proved that democratic republic is incompatible with democratic Monarch system of governance, in the Zambian case, to render an effective union of unitary state.
7. Therefore, the only appropriate terms that apply now are DISENGAGEMENT, TRUE INDEPENDENCE and SOVEREIGNTY of both parties of Barotseland and Northern Rhodesia. That will be the only time when Zambia will know the true meaning of the terms in her real political life without Barotzis. It is not true that Zambia cannot survive without us. The converse is equally true – YES WE CAN. Otherwise, for nearly fifty years Zambia has been politically prostituting with Barotseland and living faked life, in the absence of the marriage treaty BA’64. This is not a deniable fact which neither BRE select nor ZRE select can do to the contrary, by their planned exclusive and inclusive selective meetings. History has recorded that our nearly fifty years in rogue and dysfunctional Zambia was due to unyielding Barotseland’s efforts towards the restoration of the unitary treaty BA’64 which WAS NULLIFIED in March 2012, beyond any restoration. How patient we had been!
8. For that reason, NULLIFYING ALL CALLS AND EFFORTS FOR RESTORATION OF THE DEFUNCT TREATY (though Zambian Vice President told Parley that “BA’64 is not dead”). This is because restoration of a defunct treaty becomes a serious misnomer in this case for there have been no trace elements of the union treaty as was purported by the defunct BA’64 in the “Zambian” period. IF IT WAS POSSIBLE the only attemptable route would have been a new treaty negotiation which COULD ONLY be endeavoured after full disengagement initially. The term referendum is also a serious misnomer over the same. This fact is unquestionable too.
9. The Zambian amended constitutions have had no record suggesting and defining the very unitary statehood they claim other than “The Republic is a unitary, indivisible, multi-ethnic, multiracial, multi-religious, multi-cultural and multi-party democratic State”. There is NO GHOST OR MONO UNITARY PARTNERSHIP IN INTERNATIONAL LAWS. The indisputable fact is that Zambia is a sovereign Republic under constitutional form of governance not unitary. We have all the legal and historic facts in our favour. Both the international and Zambian laws give testimony to the fact that the course of action we have decided to pursue in response to Zambia’s abrogation and repudiation of the BA’64 is very rational and credible to get us the legitimacy of the state Barotseland has attained. This is an indisputable fact to all lovers of law, peace, justice and order, both in Barotseland and international fraternity.
10. Another indisputable fact is that the two territories have remained separate lands and nations despite the political and economic DISTORTION OF THE ZAMBIAN HISTORY prior to 1964, after 1964 and later on 2012. For instance, it is common knowledge that Lewanika existed on the political platform before Kaunda and yet Lewanika is not even suggested in the Zambian hall of fame celebrated during even during the “Golden Jubilee”, as the founding father of Zambia preferring instead the young brother KK, and yet the unitary statehood included the Litunga’s signature alongside Kaunda’s! Fortunately, though our history is seriously dented in Zambia it is very alive in the world, Africa and SADC, through Lewanika’s distinguished role played especially in Southern Africa. Undoubtedly, this is another agonising truth.
11. If at all Zambia feels she has a case to put against Barotseland’s independence agenda she should have found it easy and opportune to challenge it or avail herself to international arbitrators. It is the SAME TREACHERY AND MALEVOLENT NATURE OF ZAMBIA AGAINST BAROTSELAND that makes her circumvent appearing in courts of Law to defend her cause. To the contrary, she has been quick to detain and litigate us, in her local courts, using her laws, for what is lawfully and rightfully ours! A case of this magnitude is a preserve of international legal framework and institutions. The behaviour displayed by the legal person Zambia so far is really nothing less than sedition and treason against Barotseland by Northern Rhodesia in Zambia, unlike the other way round currently portrayed, after sweet-talking and faithfully negotiating and appending signatures to launch the BA’64? This is a heart-breaking evolution of fact.
12. When Zambian leaders are busy circumventing the reality of Barotseland Change citizens of that country are pushing for KK’s birthday to be a public holiday as though he signed the BA’64 alone to birth the nation of Zambia! All these and many more facts evidence that Zambia has had no room for Barotseland, ONLY ILL-FATED WILL, judging by their schemes to obliterate us. This is an indisputable fact which given chance only time will tell.
13. We have made so much progress such that no amount of threats, bribing, betrayals, tortures, maiming and the like will help reverse the situation other than expatiate and expedite our agenda for the ultimate-our Total Independence, FOR THERE IS NO OTHER WAY. The year 1964 was not 2012, vice versa, and the political awareness and correctness then and now are quite different and over a ‘golden jubilee’ apart! Zambia had all the opportunities in her Golden Jubilee period to cooperate with Barotseland in her anxious efforts with governments of the day then for the restoration of BA’64. Why it makes sense after the 2012 BNC and UDI mandate one wonders! It is an indisputably wonder of it all, after nearly a Golden Jubilee of toiling!
14. Like a new born baby, the ‘new’ Barotseland Independence programme is irreversible and inevitable like the process of biological birth of an offspring. Additionally, in as much as we cannot reverse time to 26th -27th March, 2012 so it is unthinkable and improbable with our independence status. LET ALL THE ‘DOUBTING THOMASES’ KNOW THAT BAROTSE CHANGE IS FOR REAL, MAY BE DELAYED BUT NOT WRECKED! SO REAL THAT THE ONLY LAST ENEMY TO TACKLE NOW IS THE SOCIAL INERTIA OF HUMAN MINDSET CHANGE, IN BOTH SOME BAROTZISH AND ZAMBIANS TO FINALLY DISENGAGE WITH ZAMBIA AND EMBRACE THE SATIATED REALITY OF BAROTSE CHANGE.
Oh! How lovely the thought.
The people of Barotseland know that their future is inevitably not a shared one with Zambia through useless slogans like "One Zambia One Nation". The voices that called for 2012 self-determination through Barotse National Council (BNC) are not having ‘tandabale’ (joy ride), but are tirelessly working to augment wide coherence of other solidarity voices of those wishing to live in a liberated and peaceful Barotseland.
Sadly, the moderate minority of the oppressor's government staff that hail from Barotseland seem to have been stricken by the ailment of silence because of monetary gain and choose temporal comfort at the expense of liberty, while their forefathers' territory is at the brink of annexation by Zambia. The rest of the patriotic Barotse people, especially the youth, must be applauded for standing tall to the call of Barotseland independence. The Youths are ready to have their passion translated into the shared path of freedom heroes:
"Either we die for Barotseland or we live for it does not matter. We are a generation that has chosen freedom of Barotseland". End of quote.
Limiting the rights of Barotse people to express their identity through self legislation is not only an attack on the existence of human rights but an assassination of God who endorsed such inalienable rights of self determination. The actions, by the Zambian government, of arbitrary arrests, prohibition of freedom of assembly to discuss development of Barotseland issues, etc, is not only a deliberate act of disobedience to the rule of international law but also an assault to civilization as well. Unworthy and undesirable is the repeated repression and violation of Barotseland citizens’ rights to freedom, and it is a desperate futile effort at de-legitimizing the popular representative resolutions of 2012 BNC. It is these criminal acts of territoriality which do not settle well among the patriotic citizens of Barotseland.
The legislative maneuvers seeking to restrict the freedom of Barotseland people, including the increasing government hacking of phone conversations, prohibition of peaceful public rallies and media coverage of Barotseland arrests and convictions is a clear indication that the Barotse are valued less as humans in Zambia.
What is wrong with ‘declaring allegiance’ to the state that one legally belongs to? Zambia is practicing double legislative standards when it comes to the people of Barotseland, considering Lozis as objects of subjugation and enslavement, which restricts progress of political awareness of Barotseland peoples' rights.
The fact that the right to self determination is the fundamental right of every person to freely decide on their own political status and to pursue their own choice of economic, cultural and social development is embodied in the US Declaration of Independence of 1776 and has appeared repeatedly throughout international conventions and charters. It is indisputable demonstration of the centrality of the fundamental right of political and economic determination, unlike the scope of threats the Right of Self determination is currently facing at the hands of the rogue state of Zambia!
Whatever seems like a setback at the moment, caused by the floated High court ruling against Barotseland independence leaders, will not deter us from achieving our hard fought freedom! Whatever the difficulties, Barotseland shall overcome! However improbable it may sound to the skeptics, Barotseland is no longer part of Zambia but merely a sister country. Everything is on the drawing board and a free Barotseland is no longer a pipe dream but a reality.
Bulozi fasi la bondata Luna!
Zambia should be paradigmatic in their undertaking as regards the Barotseland independence struggle, with serious caution not to continue violating the principle of public international law. Barotseland, which has now reverted to its original status of nation-state, has moved away from the traditional structure of BRE to a ‘political ideology’ system. Nevertheless, it has become very clear that Zambia glorifies violence in their response to the 2012 BNC Barotseland independence declaration. Therefore, Zambia’s persistent political administration of Barotseland territory can no longer be tolerated. It is a political wound against the wishes of the people of Barotseland to stomach un-palatable words from the Zambian government in the wake of the fliers meant to sensitize Barotseland's citizenry to refrain from the upcoming August 11, 2016 Zambia Elections.
Barotseland has the civil and political human right to decide either to vote or not to vote in Zambia’s 2016 August Elections by means of peaceful expressions. Having annulled the only legal treaty that joined Barotseland and Northern Rhodesia together, Zambia no longer has any bona fide claim over Barotseland's political affairs within the factual context of Article 20 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' rights and in accordance with the doctrine of postliminium.
Zambia should know that even more materially and militarily powerful empires and states than her have been defeated by poorly armed or even completely unarmed entities, not because they met resistant and violent forces, but because they found another source of strength - a total mobilization of the population via political, administrative, and ideological tools. Thus, politically organized Barotseland draws her strength from the 2012 BNC declared independence which has remained the key ingredient in challenging illegality of Zambia’s political administration of Barotseland.
Most people look to historical accounts to understand how their own nations emerged and fought for their freedom. Such history often tells of violent battles and insurrections, victories and defeat in wars, and fallen heroes in armed struggles. These narratives support the common belief that violence is the indispensable and only weapon to win freedom from subjugation. Barotseland, although under extreme oppression of her right to self determination by Zambia which became a quasi-colonizer after inheriting the obligations of the treaties and conventions subsistent between Britain and Barotseland protectorate in 1964 through the defunct Barotseland Agreement 1964 (BA’64), chooses diplomacy through nonviolent actions to demand her political and economic freedom. However, the nonviolence philosophy only thrives in the environment that has respect for the rule of law and respect for human rights!
It must be emphasized here that Zambia's heavy handedness towards Barotseland’s independence drive is uncalled for. From the context of Law and historical fact, Barotseland was never conquered to come under Zambia's administration! As a UN member country, Zambia must strive to conduct its affairs in line with international law and conventions in regard to self determination of the people of Barotseland as per their independence declaration. Zambia's ruling political elite should be honest and true to their citizens and more importantly to the subjugated people of Barotseland. Integrity does not mean defeat; a nation with integrity accepts consequences of the wrong deeds done by their past leaders.
May the Zambian authority illegally stationed in Barotseland be informed that Zambia's 2016 election is not part of 2012 BNC Barotseland independence resolutions in order for them to respect and uphold Zambia's election. Even Zambian laws do not have a legal enforcement of compulsory voting clause! Voting in Zambia is just a RIGHT and not a DUTY; similarly, the people of Barotseland cannot be forced to participate in Zambia's elections against their conscience, as that would be tantamount to interference in another country's affairs because it is neither their DUTY nor RIGHT to participate in Zambian elections.
The people of Barotseland need independence of their territory much more than the August 11, 2016 Zambian elections. The political conceptions which divide Barotseland and Zambia are by far worse and deep rooted in illegal occupation than the purported ‘hate’ fliers being propagated by the Zambian media.
Barotseland independence is imminent.
Zambia is going to the polls on August 11, 2016, to choose a republican president, running mate (Vice president), law makers (MPs), Mayors, Councillors and district leaders to continue subjugating, arresting, maiming and detentions of the Barotse people. Here in lies a challenge of loyalty; either for Barotseland to adhere to the Transitional Government directives as per 2012 BNC independence resolutions or continue voting the government of Zambia, the occupier, in perpetual enslavement! The question is, ‘for how long will it take the people of Barotseland to acknowledge and respect their human, political and economic rights as enshrined in international conventions and as echoed by the 2012 BNC resolutions and were they not the same people who unanimously voted for independence of Barotseland in 2012 through Barotse National Congress?’
Certainly, it is only those in denial, misguided and selfish elite Lozis who think supporting the Zambian elections in Barotseland is tantamount to some gain. Four years down the line, the Barotse monarch, surprisingly not the people, is still stuck to the generic name of ‘Western Province’ instead of the territorial name known to have signed the Barotseland Agreement 1964 (BA’64) with Zambia, then Northern Rhodesia, 52 years back!
No person or organization in this world will grant the Barotse their country back on a silver plate. Only patriotism can achieve that, which brings into play the WILL of the people because freedom is demanded not guaranteed. It's time the WILL of the people, as expressed through the 2012 BNC resolutions, is upheld for the corporative partners to take us seriously. Besides, we expect every contribution of average intelligence and patriotism towards our sovereignty attainment from all well meaningful Lozi citizens over this national issue of self-determination.
It must be noted that we have no time to treat our independence declaration in a reluctant manner; things ought to be finalized now. We have complained of Zambian brutality and domination enough; we have used legal recourse to bring justice in this issue long enough; we have followed peaceful and civilized approach in this issue enough; now it is time to implement our peoples' WILL. As far as Barotseland stands, the elements of statehood have been fulfilled long ago, the onus is on the people to legitimize Barotseland sovereignty through own civil transitional government led by Hon. Afumba Mombotwa.
The formation of Barotseland Transitional Government (BTG) was done according to Barotseland's laws and international law. The BNC resolutions are loud and clear. The only way to challenge another country's sovereignty is legitimized by the formation of a government, and by international law, one government cancels another government, and Government gives birth to statehood. In other words, an ORGANIZATION like an ALLIANCE has no AUTHORITY to really tackle independence actualization because they lack SOVEREIGNTY. Only states have legitimate authority and therefore, the Afumba led leadership JUSTIFIED the BNC 2012 Resolutions. Government vs government per se, and NOT organization vs government, the former stands to win while the latter is destined for failure.
Dragging Zambia's 2016 elections in Barotseland territory will not only breed discontent but a direct injury to the 2012 BNC independence resolutions which clearly and categorically gave political direction for the people of Barotseland.
Our kind of peacefulness and obedience to law brings altogether different stinks of ill-motives from our subjugator, and tend to derail much anticipated progress in as far as self-determination is concerned. There is need to step up ‘de-campaigning’ programs in form of shunning the election rallies; beef-up peaceful demonstrations; widening information dissemination base; organized self sponsored sports activities to cultivate the sense of belonging; refrain from participation in voting, etc, against the Zambian elections and politics in Barotseland this time around.
This calls for consolidated collaborations and efforts of all pressure groups in conjunction with the Barotseland Transitional Government. On issues of national interest we have to put petty politics and assumptions aside.
Another credibility test for Barotseland people to prove to the world whether they can be united and come out victorious over the imposed 2016 Zambian elections in independent declared Barotseland territory!
God save the people of Barotseland.
TEN (10) PRIORITY PRINCIPLES OF BAROTSE CHANGE MANAGMENT
What follows is the listing of Ten (10) Priority principles guiding our Barotse Change management. Using these as a systematic, ample framework, our leaders can understand what to expect, how to manage their own personal change, and how to engage the entire Bulozi and Barotzish in the course of our excruciating walk to complete freedom, taking on board, all those Barotse who should, onto the shore of freedom.
1. MAKE THE FORMAL CASE.
Individuals are inherently judicious and will question to what extent change is needed, whether or not the organisation is headed in the right direction, and whether or not they want to commit and involve personal substance to making the change happen. Once committed and involved then they will look to the leadership for answers to any questions encountered. The formulation of the Barotse Change as formal case for change and the creation of a written vision statement as 8th September, 2011 UDI and 27th March, 2012 BNC Resolutions as our FREEDOM MANDATE were done and are valuable opportunities to create and compel Barotse leadership-team commitment and compliance for three main reasons:
a. CONFRONTING THE REALITY OF OUR CHANGE and enunciating a convincing need for Barotse change, even in the face of isolated cases of dissident leaders, citizens and the victim ‘die hards’ of Zambian colonialism. They NEED to know that the change is irreversible, inevitable and the ultimate!
b. DEMONSTRATING DEVOTION AND CONFIDENCE that Barotseland has a viable future and the leadership will get us there, as a nation and state. If Sudan and others did it why can’t we do it; a more straightforward and unique political and economic scenario?
c. And last but not the least, PROVISION OF A ROAD MAP (provisional policy framework compendia) to guide behaviour and decision making; civic, international and investments.
Leaders must then adapt this message for various internal audiences, describing the pending change in terms that matter to the individuals. We thank God that we already have compendia of guiding documents for our government to take over business in Barotseland. Therefore, the materiality of our Barotse Change, as a formal case, needs to be planted on the ground. No one else will tell when, why and how to do so, other than ourselves. The Barotseland Independence case has been formalised already! Additionally, all is consistent with all applicable local and international legal frameworks.
2. CREATE OWNERSHIP.
Leaders of large change programs like Barotse Change must over perform during the transformation and be the zealots who create a critical mass among the citizens and work force in favour of change. This requires more than mere buy-in or passive agreement that the direction of change is acceptable. It demands primary ownership by leaders willing to accept responsibility for making change happen in all of the areas they influence or control. In our case ownership was best created when people were involved in crafting the solution as 27th March, 2012 BNC Resolutions and Mandate. This is reinforced by our tangible and intangible economic, political and psychological incentives and rewards in offering by the completely free nation of Barotseland determining her own destiny. We only have one Barotseland our heritage outside of which we are purely bond slaves to the nation of Zambia and her allies.
3. ADDRESS THE “HUMAN SIDE” SYSTEMATICALLY.
It is supposed to be common knowledge that any significant change or transformation creates “people issues”. For instance, BTG and BRA leaders are expected to step up efforts, jobs should be changed consequent to disengagement with Zambia and withdrawal of Zambian governance system, new skills and capabilities being a requisite and need to be developed, and some Barotzish being uncertain and resistant to our Change Programme. Dealing with such issues on a reactive, case-by-case basis puts speed, morale, and results at high risk. In scoring the ultimate these issues are unavoidable and should be done meticulously to tap the best from the human side of our people and for progress’ sake. It is quite suicidal to leave to common sense alone and take human side for granted. Reason, deliberate and concerted effort by leadership must act the obvious role.
4. COMMUNICATING THE MESSAGE.
Quite often, change leaders make the mistake of believing that others understand the issues, feel the need to change, and see the new direction as clearly as they do. The best change programs reinforce core messages through regular, timely advice that is both inspirational and practicable. Communications should flow in from the bottom and out from the top, targeted to provide subjects with the right information at the right time and to beseech their input and feedback. Often this will require over-communication through multiple, usually unwanted channels; besides the official media like Barotseland Post, Barotseland Television and Barotseland Radio. It is also quite important to pay attention to the silent communication – what is not being said in every communication, for full benefits of the integrated communication system.
5. START AT THE TOP.
This is because people find change characteristically unsettling at all levels of an organization. When Change is on the prospect, all eyes will turn to the leadership team for strength, support, and direction. Therefore, a formal tactic for managing change would have to begin with the leadership of Team Barotse and then engage key stakeholders and leaders. This demands as much data collection and analysis, planning, and implementation discipline as possible based on a realistic assessment of the Barotseland’s history, readiness, and capacity to change. Our leaders must fully embrace the Change and its new methodologies first, both to challenge and to motivate the rest of the Barotseland. The leadership must speak with one voice and model the desired behaviours. The Barotse Change management team also needs to understand that, although its public face may be one of unity, it, too, comprises individuals who are going through stressful times and in need of support, especially from the followers. Consequently, when our managerial teams work well in UNITY OF DIVERSITY AND EXUDING THE BAROTSE CHANGE then we will be best positioned for overwhelming success. But the Edwin Lubosi Syndrome (ELS) is worrisome and neither reliable nor progressive.
6. INVOLVE EVERY LEVEL.
As change programs progress from defining strategy and setting targets to design and implementation, they affect different levels of the organization. Change efforts usually must include plans for identifying leaders throughout the organisation, so that change “cascades” through the organization. At each layer (from Namuso to Munzi) of Barotseland, the leaders who are identified, appointed and trained or inducted must be aligned to the 2012 BNC’s vision and UDI, fully equipped to perform their function and implement their specific mission, and motivated to make Barotse Change materialize fully. The new and emergent BRA attitude to Barotse Change deserves remarking and nurturing. Let our dear parents know that they are no longer BRE but BRA and are expected to behave as such; in their pre-1964 stardom. They should not lurk behind for transition period is for them too just like BTG and Barotseland at large, to adjust accordingly for maximum function and capacity.
7. ASSESS THE CULTURAL LANDSCAPE.
Successful change programs pick up speed and intensity as they flow down, making it critically important that leaders understand and account for culture and behaviours at each level of the organization. The mistake organisations often make is assessing culture either too late or not at all, resulting in dragged resolution of change. Thorough cultural diagnostics can assess organizational readiness to change, bring major problems to the surface, identify conflicts, and define factors that can recognize and influence sources of leadership and resistance. These diagnostics identify the core values, beliefs, behaviours, and perceptions that must be taken into account for successful change to occur. They serve as the common baseline for designing essential change elements, such as the new Barotse national vision, and building the infrastructure and programs needed to drive change mwa Bulozi. This may mean among others, making follow-ups to the recent cultural and leadership incongruence in Kaoma and Lukulu areas. Barotseland is one nation and its geographic boundaries designate the extent of its national culture. Zambia has been tempering with the border towns a lot for her own political mileage, against Barotse Change.
8. ADDRESS CULTURE EXPLICITLY.
Once the culture is understood, it should be addressed as thoroughly as any other area in a change program. Our leaders should be frank about the culture and underlying behaviours that will best support the new way of doing business in Barotseland, and find opportunities to model and reward those behaviours. This requires developing a reference point, defining an explicit end state or desired culture, and devising detailed plans to make the transition.
Barotseland or National (Silozi) culture is an amalgam of shared history, explicit values and beliefs, and common attitudes and behaviours. Barotse Change program is also the restoration of its culture, combining the 38+ sub-cultures as well as reinforcing the cultures. Understanding that all organisations like countries have a CULTURAL CENTRE; Barotse National Government and the BRA, as the locus of thought, activity, influence, or national and personal identification is an effective way to jump-start culture change. Let our cultural centre so function to full capacity.
9. INDIVIDUAL NETWORKING.
While Barotse Change is a national agenda it is also a very personal one. Barotzish spend many hours each week at work with many considering their co-workers as a second family. Individuals and teams of Barotseland need to know how their work will change, what is expected of them during and after the change program, how they will be evaluated, and what success or failure will mean for them and those around them. Team Barotse leaders should be as honest and explicit as possible. People will react to what they see or do not see and hear or do not hear around them, and notwithstanding all this they need to be involved in the Barotse change process anyway, because the masses form the majority of the playfield of Barotse Change without whom the results of Barotse Change will be meaningless to leaders. Eventually, when time and finances allow, highly visible rewards such as recognition, appointments, promotion and bonuses are provided as dramatic reinforcement for embracing the change. In contrast, sanctions or removals of people standing in the way of Barotse Change reinforce our country’s commitment to its newly established and espoused ethos.
10. PREPARE FOR THE UNEXPECTED.
No change program goes completely according to plan. People react in unexpected ways; areas of anticipated resistance fall away, the external international environment shifting to support our oppressor Zambia militarily or through other means. So, effectively managing Barotse Change requires continual reassessment of its impact as well as the nation’s willingness and ability to adopt the next ripple of transformation. Served by real data and information from the ground (Barotse intelligence) and supported by firm decision-making processes, Barotse Change leaders can then make the adjustments necessary to maintain momentum and drive results home. Contingency Approach will then avail the alternative path in the face of the unexpected feedback; whether it is at AU, SADC, UN or other levels of consultations, negotiations or bargains in leveling down and off the political stalemate between Barotseland and Northern Rhodesia. Otherwise, procrastination is said to be a thief of time especially from the leaders’ perspective, leading to undesirable evaluation of leadership. On the other hand, followers tend to find ways of filling up the void of procrastination and delayment this way resulting in chaos and frustration of the change goals.
Most leaders contemplating change know that people matter for it is them who implement change and get affected by it cognitively or intellectually, physically, emotionally and otherwise, unlike policies, good buildings or development structures. It is all too tempting, however, for leaders to dwell on the plans and processes (the “hardware” side), which don’t talk back and don’t respond emotionally, opting out the encounter with the more difficult and more critical human “soft” issues. By mastering the “soft” side; the persware of Barotse Change, for instance, the mystery of leaders or Barotse citizens walking back over their word regarding the 2012 BNC mandate should be a bygone henceforth. BAROTSELAND’S COMPLETE FREEDOM WITHOUT BAROTSE’S LIBERATION FROM THE BONDAGE OF ZAMBIAN MINDSET IS NOT TRUE AND COMPLETE FREEDOM! With our UDI and 2012 BNC Mandate already in place and while we are seeking actualize our complete political and economic independence our disengagement from the Zambian mindset is the ultimate desired outcome in all Barotzish. While this cannot be an overnight task progress must be seen to this very end. Our people must be seen to THINK, SPEAK, ACT, SING, DRESS, WALK AND WORK less and less the Zambian way but more the Barotzish style. Given our newly found national value ecosystem the fruits are beaming with overpowering radiance in the horizon!
Part 01 can be found here
Tukongote Wa Mwanaa Nongolo!
Political and economic freedom without emancipated human mindset is not true and complete freedom indeed. With our heightened Barotse Change I now strongly believe the struggle should now concentrate Barotse Change management’s collective mind on something that presents most change agendas with an unfamiliar challenge. In major transformations leaders traditionally focus their attention on devising the best strategic and tactical plans as in, Barotseland case; Barotseland 8th September 2011 UDI, the framing of the 2012 BNC Resolution, establishment of the BTG, engagement of international fraternity among others. Much as this component is important, to succeed, we also must have an intimate understanding of the human side (“software” and persware) of change management to ensure the alignment of the Barotseland’s culture, values, people, and behaviours that encourage the PURELY BAROTZISH desired MINDSET CHANGE and OUTCOMES. Once the persware’s “soft” issues are taken care of it makes the rest of the Barotse Change components easier to manage. That is, it is quite thorny for us to embrace complete political and economic independence for Barotseland if most Barotzish are still caged mentally and captivated in ZAMBIANSHIP especially politically and economically! In such a condition radical measures become a must or obvious. The radical measures are embedded in and constitute what I would term the Ten (10) Priority Principles of Barotseland Change Management.
BAROTSE CHANGE CHARACTERISTICS
To understand this aspect of reality we need to remind each other about the nature of our dear transformation – the Barotse Change. A long-term organisational transformation like Barotse Change has four identifiable characteristics:
a) SCALE; the size and extent of change – the Barotse Change affects all of our country Barotseland. That is, the scale of our change is comprehensively national – all-inclusive both at home and those in the diaspora. Also includes international scale constituted as the friends of the Team Barotse ‘abroad’.
b) SIGNIFICANCE; it is very critical in that it involves both the full restoration of Barotseland to its pre-1964 status as well as make validation and significant alterations of the status quo and failed Unitary Statehood with Northern Rhodesia Zambia; hence the diffidence, indifference, averseness and resistance to Barotse Change in certain quarters of our community and diaspora. It is a matter of do or die for a country that was threatened with extermination for decades!
c) DURATION; unlike wishful thoughts and dreams our Barotse Change has had a phase since 18th May, 1964; lasting for decades, years, months, weeks, days and finally moments, to the full restoration of what was forfeited and sacrificed then.
d) STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE; Barotse transformational change aims at full restoration of our motherland to its pre-Zambian independence status, but this time as a Constitutional Democratic Monarch. This means among others, autonomy, self-determination and sovereignty as a nation and state, in the management of our national affairs.
Yet Barotseland will reap maximum rewards only when Barotse Change occurs at the level of the individual Barotzish. All apparent gaps in our national structure should be closed down. Otherwise, anything and anybody dissident to our dear cause will easily creep in to take advantage and endeavour to fill in the ‘blanks’. THE BALL IS ENTIRELY IN OUR COURT BUT WHAT NEXT the masses are anxiously inquiring! Should we wait until the next Zambian president comes up with his own sugar coated schemes or whatever, in their electioneering gymnastics using our electorates and people for door marts only, into their power houses?
Read Part 02 here.
On 09.09.1999, the Heads of State and Government of the Organisation of African Unity issued a Declaration (the Sirte Declaration) calling for the establishment of an African Union.
Some of its objectives are:
To promote and protect human and peoples' rights in accordance with the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and other relevant human rights instruments;
To defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of its Member States meaning the above objective can conveniently be overridden by this objective.
Fast forward to 9 to 23 April 2013 in Banjul, Gambia when The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (the Commission) held its 53rd Ordinary Session at which the issue of Barotseland first came to the fore amongst 86 other cases like these below:
(i) Communication 427/12: SERAP (on behalf of Daniel Nsofor and Osayinwinde Agbomien) v. Nigeria;
(i) Communication 427/12: SERAP (on behalf of Daniel Nsofor and Osayinwinde Agbomien) v. Nigeria;
(ii) Communication 428/12: Dawit Isaak (represented by Price Orsonneau Jess Alcala and Percy Bratt) v. Eritrea;
(iii) Communication 429/12: The Ngambela of Barotseland and Others v. Zambia;
(iv) Communication 430/12: Gabriel Shumba and Others v. Zimbabwe; Blah blah blah until communication 86.
This raised headlines in Barotseland and beyond as freedom was on the horizon we were informed!
The next time we heard Barotseland being mentioned at the AU was at the 54th Ordinary Session in Banjul, The Gambia from 22 October – 5 November 2013 stating:
VII. Communication with Request for Change of Name Communication 429/12: The Ngambela of Barotseland and Others v Zambia. Who initiated this communication and what were the contents of this??
The latest (26th) Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the Union dubbed the 'African Year of Human rights’ has conveniently omitted the issue of Barotseland (unless there is another committee sitting somewhere) with the closest matter discussed similar to our cause being (ACHPR) Decision 37: 10. REITERATES its deep concern at the continuing illegal occupation Western Sahara territories that have been visits by the ACHPR
Accordance with the decision of the Executive Board thereon; DEMANDS setting Rapid implementation of the various United Nations resolutions and the AU to Ensure in the shortest possible time, self-determination of the Saharawi people Long delayed; in this respect, the Council RECOMMENDS that the AU is organizing Certain activities in the liberated territories of Western Sahara a sign of solidarity with the Saharawi people in their legitimate aspiration.
Bulozi London Opinion: The AU route is a zero option!
Bulozi London is a United Kingdom based social media group centered around Barotseland and other related matters run by Barotse nationals.
It is with pleasure and a sense of historical responsibility that I headed a small delegation from Barotseland to be present at the ANC’s 104-anniversary celebration, which is in honour of the founders of the ANC.
This history of Barotseland in Southern Africa is worthy of celebrations, and as a part of it, my delegation has appreciated the opportunity having shared in it. However, out of this celebration, we learn that this ANC cross-border foundation is essential towards consolidating advances made and to teaching cross-border solidarity over what remains of our common struggle for democracy and development, in justice, freedom and equality.
The ANC leadership has commendably invited us to look at the joint cross-border past Barotseland and South Africa common efforts against European domination, exploitation and human rights violation against African people. In our turn, we are critically inviting the ANC leadership to focus on the outstanding and unsatisfactory plight of Barotseland.
The country was Barotseland Protectorate under treaties independently negotiated with the British Crown. It was Barotse Province, after independence, when the 1964 Barotseland Agreement replaced the treaties with Britain, and allowing Barotseland to be an integral part of Zambia. The Zambian Government, which still stands by this deliberate failure to honour even a nation building foundational promised, unilaterally abrogated this Agreement in 1969.
This Agreement was the only mutually agreed guarantee or mechanism for the reconciliation of Barotse national interests within postcolonial Zambia. By this act, and to apply Wole Soyinka’s line of thought,
“A profound trust was betrayed, and only a community of fools will entrust its most sacred possession – nationhood – yet again to a class that has proven so fickle, so treacherous and dishonourable.”
To add insult to injury of betraying the trust of Barotseland, Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda exercised the same impulse as European-American bent on enslaving Africans. European enslavers of Africans imposed European or meaningless names on captive Africans, so that they may forget their roots and identity as distinct human beings, who had been free and independent, with own African homeland and a socio-cultural system. Similarly, there was a presidential decree renaming of Barotseland as Western Province, against the will of Barotse people, in an effort to subjugate and degrade Barotseland and erase its identity, integrity and history.
The population of Barotse nationals is comparable to SADC member states. Barotseland has a land mass that is larger or equal to that of 19 African Union member states. Barotseland has an over 400 year’s nation building and survival drive, and was not a creation of colonialism. Partisan and short-term political expedience cannot wish away, ignore and bury this endeavor. Barotseland is an integral part of broader African and Sub regional history that is a critical corner stone in the foundation of the continuing long walk to African liberation, in its full context.
Barotseland is in an unattainable situation that makes peace with justice and freedom impossible. There is continuous violation of human rights. There has hardly been a single year without Barotse political prisoners, since the 1969 unilateral abrogation of the 1964 Barotseland Agreement. Currently, four Barotse nationals were captured and have been kept in a maximum prison, caged in a cell, which is not fit for a piggery. European colonialists built this cell to hold 20 native prisoners; it is now stuffed with 300 Africans, including the four Barotse political prisoners.
On one hand, the Zambian Government has unilaterally abrogated the 1964 Barotseland Agreement, which was on the 'freely negotiated and agreed' basis, making Barotseland an integral part of Zambia. On the other hand, the Zambian Government has applied the police state force against Barotse nationals’ human rights and Barotseland’s right to self-determination. This situation has made Barotseland a nation without a state.
In its founding spirit, the ANC has led the liberated South Africa to the forefront of African efforts towards maintaining peace and security, including measures for preventing and removing threats to the peace. This has not ruled out application of means of suppressing acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace, towards justice and freedom. It has also been in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, which seeks to develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, but is not, and should not, be limited to interstate relations to internal violations of human rights and threats to peace.
By extending this policy action line to address the plight of Barotseland, the ANC, through the South African Government, would be fulfilling its founding perception and mission, as commemorated so joyfully and proudly during the 104th Anniversary celebrations, which we have gratefully witnessed. Let the linkage be unbroken!
The 104th ANC Anniversary Cerebrations upheld significant cross-border memorable and still critical linkages. President Jacob Zuma’s statement to Traditional leaders and address at the Dinner show at Sun City on January 8, 2016 as well as the Rally at the Royal Bafokeng Stadium, Rustenburg on January 6, 2016 highlighted these features. Among these are Barotseland’s more than 160 years old social and economic linkages with South Africa in general and the 104 years political association with the ANC in particular. My participation in the subject celebrations underscores this.
As President Zuma pointed out, this history teaches that the ANC has a cross-border sub regional foundation stones, focus and aspirations. One of many illustration of this is the inerasable historical fact that King Lubosi Lewanika of Barotseland was among the seven African Kings appointed as Honourary Presidents of the South African Native National Congress at its founding in 1912, 104 years ago.
King Lewanika the First is the father of Mbikusita Lewanika, who, somewhat like his father, also served as the Founder President General of the Northern Rhodesia African Congress (1948 to 1951) before enthronement as King Lewanika the Second of Barotseland (1968 to 1977). Mbikusita Lewanika warmly hosted his counterpart, the then ANC President Dr James Moroka‘s family at his home in Kitwe, Northern Rhodesia in 1951 - ten years before Nelson Mandela passed through in the rather hesitant 1962 reception by UNIP leadership.
King Lewanika the First is the grandfather of the writer, Akashambatwa Mbikusita Lewanika, who has been the initiator and Founder National Secretary of the Movement for Multi-party Democracy, which ended the One Party State in Zambia (1990 to 1991.) Zambian political leaders befriending the ANC have either consistently sought to hide or have been ignorant about this precious history starting with King Lewanika the First as one of the Founder Honourary Presidents of the ANC at founding 104 years ago.
The ANC is continuing to stress the full range of its roots, including the long and diverse association with Barotseland. This is commendable and valuable.
We are grateful that President Zuma, working together with Mandla Mandela the traditional leader of Mvezo, had extended an invitation to my sister and myself, who are grand children of King Lewanika the First of Barotseland, at the official opening of the Makgato Lewanika Mandela Primary School, Quno. We regret that we were unable to be present due to change of dates and logistics; however, we were very much there in spirit. It has been our faith that the future holds prospects for our presence at such occasions.
The first decade of the 20th Century ended with establishment of a common purpose between Afrikaner and British European settler communities through the 1910 Union of South Africa dominion status. This was a united European settler determination to dispossess and disempower Africans in South Africa as well as the rest of Central and Southern Africa. The second decade opened with the 1912 founding of the South African Native National Congress, for Africans within and beyond the boundaries of South Africa.
African traditional leaders had sought ways of retaining African rights to land and liberty, in the wake of European drive for economic dominion and racial superiority over all the lands and people of Africa. However, traditional methods of war and isolated resistance by African kingdoms were no match for the onslaught of European aggression. On the other hand, there were no known and tested models of self-defense against this new and tough adversity.
The 1912 founding of the South African Native National Congress launched a new African reaction in form of a political organization. This was the African National Congress of South Africa. It represented African people from Cape Town in the south to Barotseland in the north. It involved African traditional authorities who were directly being disposed, or threatened with dispossession, of land and negation of the human right of self-government in freedom.
The Congress movement was organized on a territorial basis after the Second World War. For example, 1948 witnessed the founding of the Northern Rhodesia African Congress in 1948, under the founder presidency of Mbikusita Lewanika, a son of King Lewanika the first of Barotseland. The ANC of South Africa inspired territorial congresses. The independence for African countries culminating with the defeat of Apartheid in 1994 as a fruit of the founding of what has become the ANC of South Africa, 104 years ago.
More about the Author: Prince Dr. Akashambatwa Mbikusita Lewanika's professional profile can be found here